When values conflict
3 February 2012
On January 20, the White House announced that nearly all employer-provided health insurance plans must entirely cover the cost of contraceptives for women. The administration determined that only religious institutions that primarily served members of their own faith would be exempt from the law. In other words, a church would receive an exemption but a Catholic hospital would not. The requirement was widely hailed by liberals, but I have reservations about the way the Obama administration handled the decision.

(Photo: spentpenny)
Don’t get me wrong, access to birth control is an essential aspect of female autonomy. But, the administration was too quickly dismissive of another liberal value, religious freedom. The Catholic Church is officially opposed to the use of contraceptives and requiring Catholic hospitals or universities to cover the cost of birth control for their employers is to ask them to violate their teachings.
One could argue that it’s only fair that religious groups be treated like anyone else when they employ and serve Americans of all different faiths and backgrounds. However, one of the virtues of American liberalism is its willingness to try and accommodate the diverse religious beliefs and values of its citizenry. Religious liberty means not just protecting rights in the private sphere, but trying to find flexible solutions for respecting freedom of conscience in public life as well. The Church has long been a firm proponent of social justice, and Catholic hospitals and charities are now in effect being told that upholding this tenet of their religion means violating another. I’m uncomfortable asking them to make a choice between these two values.
What would have been a better way of handling this issue? In his Washington Post column, E.J. Dionne advocates a proposal that would require religious groups to inform employees if they were not covering birth control and describe “alternative ways for enrollees to access” low cost contraceptives. Under the circumstances, I think this would have been a better solution. but there’s no denying the unfortunate and frustrating truth that it would have made it more difficult for many women to access reproductive health services.
I firmly hope that the Catholic Church changes its stance on birth control in the near future, and I remain cautiously optimistic that they will, given that the vast majority of Catholics use contraceptives. However, until they do, I’m not sure the coercive response of the Obama administration is the best course of action. It’s never easy resolving these cases in which such fundamental principles come into conflict with one another, but there are times when liberalism must be tolerant of practises that are somewhat illiberal in themselves. I believe this is one of those times.
How much can you do with a good crisis?
10 September 2010
Matt Bai says the Obama administration should have done more with the economic downturn — or rather, it should have talked differently about what it did do:
In proposing an economic package this week that includes spending $50 billion on roads, rail lines and other projects, President Obama opened the fall election season by doing what he has done from the first days of his administration: arguing that, in effect, stimulating the economy today and reordering it for decades to come are basically the same thing.
In this way, Mr. Obama risked confusing the voters — and not for the first time. By consistently conflating short-term and long-term economic goals, the president and his Democratic Party may have missed an opportunity to explain the crucial difference between the two, and they have all but ensured that voters this fall will give them credit for neither.
Bai has a point, sort of. Obama hasn't memorably distinguished between short term economic stimulus and long term economic reforms, such as his newly announced infrastructure bank or the health care bill passed earlier this year. In terms of policy, this makes sense; the U.S. is currently suffering from insufficient short-term demand, neglected long-term investment, and excessive long-term deficits. Addressing the country's economic difficulties requires approaching all of these at once; it's no good cutting long term deficits, for instance, if you have no plan to stimulate growth in the short term.
I'm not sure about Bai's prescription for the politics, however:
That was a moment, perhaps, when Mr. Obama might have given one of his trademark orations to an anxious public, an opportunity to lay out the different dimensions of the economic crisis in a way that had eluded his predecessors. You could have imagined Mr. Obama’s explaining then that the country had to respond in two related but distinct ways: first by spending hundreds of billions of dollars in the short term to avoid a depression, and second by making a series of large-scale investments over time that would modernize the foundation of the economy.
Of course, the President has spoken exactly in this way, though perhaps not in one of his "trademark orations." Suggesting the President give a paradigm-shifting speech is a favourite device of political commenters who wish to give the administration some advice. It rather ignores what Obama's most memorable speeches have been about. Career highlights such as his inaugaural address, his keynote speech to the Democratic Convention in 2004, or his 2008 race speech in Philadelphia were not persuasive arguments for specific policy approaches, but were instead descriptions of Obama's vision of America; its ideals, and what it can be. He has been so successful an orator because he has been able to describe America's ideas in a left-of-centre way that resonates equally with centrists. That doesn't mean he's a slouch at talking about policy, but Bai's complaint misses what distinguishes what Obama has and has not been able to do with his speeches.
I wonder if a recession actually is the time to be separating out short term and long term investment the way Bai suggests. Though both approaches are necessary, few people at the moment are interested in anything that doesn't address the immediate problem of their being too few jobs and too little demand. (And some people believe spending is the wrong approach to take anyway, whether in the long or short term.) Compare the situation with Australia's in the mid '00s. In those years, the Australian economy was overheating as it began butting up against the limits of its capacity. As a result, voters were quite amenable to politicians' suggestions of long term investment, and proposals like the "education revolution" were part of the reason Labor won power in 2007.
By contrast, America in its current slump does not want to hear about what will happen down the road. It wants to hear about what can happen today. And though it may be a touch confusing, that means arguing that, in effect, "stimulating the economy today and reordering it for decades to come are basically the same thing." In terms of doing what's right for America's, they are. In a bad economy, there are limits to how good a message can be.
Censorship? Really?
2 November 2009
As I've been reading some of the controversy and discussion of the Obama administration's so-called war with Fox News, one part of the discussion frustrated me immensely.
It wasn't the hypocrisy of the coverage, though that certainly was irritating. When the Bush administration made similar claims about MSNBC a few years ago, the accusation had nowhere near the same level of controversy or media coverage. It annoyed me that this was forgotten, but these things often are.
Nor was it the hyperbole with which the situation was described: in discussions of the "war", I've heard the Obama administration was compared to Chavez, Stalin, and the Nazis. Ridiculous, to be certain, but not truly frustrating.
What frustrated me most was the total misuse of the word "censorship." The Obama Administration has been accused of censoring the Fox News Channel, something that is manifestly untrue.
Ok, so strictly speaking, the word is accurate, if and only if you take the meaning of "censor" to mean to admonish or criticise, a literal if rarely-used meaning. And I suppose, if you take that meaning, and that meaning alone, one could accuse the Obama administration of censoring Fox News. But it's hard to imagine anyone seriously making the argument that when someone hears "Obama Administration censors Fox News", they think the administration simply criticised them. The problem, of course, is that few would understand the meaning of the word in that way, especially in the realm of politics.
"Censorship" isn't a word devoid of meaning or context. Used the way it has been by much of the press in this situation, to "censor" is far more likely to mean to suppress or delete information. This practice, of course, is one of the oldest forms of political oppression. For many, censorship is associated with totalitarian rule, with the suppression of democracy, with silencing the minority, or just silencing unwanted voices. And the Obama administration has not silenced Fox News
Yes, the Obama administration called Fox News a partisan organization. Yes, they openly acknowledged they would not treat them the same way as a straightforward news network. That might not by wise, but it's not censorship
The White House did not censor the Fox News Channel. They did not rob them of their first amendment protection. They did not prevent the Fox News Channel from attending White House press conferences. They even promised to continue providing White House staff to be interviewed on the Fox News Channel, though possibly not as frequently as the network would prefer.
And the Fox News Channel has certainly not been silent. The ferocity with which they've condemned the White House is evidence enough of their continued freedom. There's no talk, anywhere, of limiting the Fox News Channel's voice. There is no ban. There is no suppression.
There are certainly interesting issues to talk about around the so-called "war on Fox", but using the term "censor" in these discussions is both misleading and dangerous. So lets call it what it is or, more accurately, what it isn't: the White House has not censored the Fox News Channel.
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