What America sounds like

By Jonathan Bradley in Sydney, Australia

24 January 2012


I've talked often in this space about the utility in using hip-hop as a lens to examine American culture, so I was pleased to find someone making well the same point in otherwise unremarkable Financial Times article:

Rap music is the defining American art form of our time. In its showmanship, its exuberance, its hunger for innovation, its love of technology and its ruthless competitive discipline, it represents mass culture in the US like no other medium.

Country music, the only other contender, showcases a different set of equally American values: community, tradition, compassion, patriotism, resilience, faith. But it is principally a domestic phenomenon, largely ignored overseas. Hip-hop, meaning rap music and its associated culture, is both a global force and a central feature of the face America presents to the world.

Rap as a form of American soft power is easy to see if you know where to look; the relationship between hip-hop and the Arab Spring, for instance, is well documented. This is helped by the music's malleability; it offers its Americanness to the world as something to be remodelled and localised.

The FT piece is right that country doesn't have this global appeal, and it may seem less interesting as a result. I prefer, however, to focus on the similarities between hip-hop and country — each being folk musics for a certain subset of American society that have been adopted by the culture at large. And if country music's conversations are consumed on a largely domestic basis, rather than adopted globally as those of hip-hop are, this suggests that it has something to say about the aspects of American culture that don't cross borders: the strange trivialities unique to that society; the most unassuming type of American exceptionalism.


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US impotence and Israel

By http://ussc.edu.au/people/john-hambly in Sydney, Australia

30 September 2011


President Barack Obama addresses the United Nations

(Photo: NYT)

President Barack Obama’s speech at the United Nations on September 21 revealed the impotence of the US at two levels. First was its total failure to induce Israel to deviate by one inch from the policy that the present Israeli government has espoused with regard to Palestine. This is despite such a policy being inconsistent with expressed US policy, and Israel being dependent on the US for military and other direct aid, as well as for diplomatic support.

Secondly, it revealed the impotence of President Obama, supposedly the holder of the most powerful office in the world, in the face of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s intransigence.

In Obama's speech on the Arab Spring on May 19, which generally supported the rights of oppressed Arab people, the President called for peace between Israel and Palestine on the basis of the two state solution with "each state enjoying self-determination, mutual recognition and peace," and on the basis of the 1967 Israeli borders with mutually agreed land swaps.

While the parts of President Obama’s September 21 speech dealing with Iran, Syria, and Libya were similar to the May 19 speech, the section on Israel and Palestine was quite different. The President made no reference to the 1967 borders — he said, “Ultimately it is Israelis and Palestinians — not us — who must reach agreement on issues that divide them: on borders and security; on refugees and Jerusalem.” This implied that the US would play no role in trying to convince the Israeli government to act responsibly, and that the US is prepared to leave it solely up to the Israeli government what to do. There is little doubt that Obama’s failure to refer to the 1967 borders was due to Netanyahu's refusal to negotiate on that basis.

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So the September 21 speech reveals the abandonment of previously stated US policy on Israel’s borders and of any US attempt to drive the peace process. In doing so President Obama indicated that he was uninterested in even appearing even handed between Israel and Palestine — which will further harm the US’s position in the Middle East. His reference to the Holocaust, which is of zero relevance to the Israeli treatment of Palestine, but which seems to be used as an excuse for Israel’s behaviour, confirmed that.

The consequence of Obama’s speech was that Netanyahu, at a press conference with Obama afterwards, said "I want to thank you, Mr President, for standing with Israel and supporting peace through direct negotiations" — remarks very different from the ones that Netanyahu made after the
May 19 speech.

It is reasonable to infer that Obama’s speech was approved by Netanyahu prior to it being given. It is inconceivable that Obama abandoned his previously expressed views without the slightest explanation and without knowing that Netanyahu would respond appropriately. Hence the appearance of the US President going cap in hand to the Israeli prime minister for approval.

What is even more amazing is that, in light of the lack of enthusiasm that American Jews, especially the younger ones, have towards the policies of the present Israeli government, President Obama felt that he needed such an endorsement. Such American Jews seem unwilling to abandon their liberal principles when judging Israel’s actions, despite the Israeli lobby urging them to do so. In this regard see Peter Beinart's “The failure of the American Jewish establishment” in the New York Review of Books on June 10, 2010, and the correspondence on June 24.

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Weekend Update

By Jonathan Bradley in Newcastle, Australia

31 July 2011


Map of the U.S. made from words used by economics bloggers to describe the economyIt's the weekend, and the picture of the week comes from the Kauffman Foundation's latest quarterly survey of economics bloggers [PDF]. Asked to describe the US economy, those are the words they came up with. Eek. (h/t Kevin Drum)

Democratic and Republican Congressional sources involved in the negotiations tell ABC News that a tentative agreement has been reached on the framework of a deal that would give the President a debt ceiling increase of up to $2.4 trillion and guarantee an equal amount of deficit reduction over the next 10 years.

And make no mistake: despite all the Democratic cries of Republicans being irrational, Boehner has seen this coming for a long time, recognizes that it’s a real crisis, and has been trying to maneuver around it; the fact that he hasn’t been able to says less about his negotiating tactics and more about his party’s essential inability to act strategically. Just because Boehner is saying the crisis doesn’t exist doesn’t mean he isn’t well aware that it does exist, and what will happen if he can’t get an increase through, which is why he’s trying to get anything through the House that he can.

One of the tricky things about the subject is that almost nothing is certain in the way that, say, two plus two equals four. Economics — which is at root a study of human behavior — tends to be messier. Because it’s messier, it can be tempting to think that all uncertainty is equal and that we don’t really know anything.

But we do.

 

After the jump: A defence of earmarks, a shill for Chicago hotdogs, and America's contribution to the soundtrack of the Arab Spring.


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It seems to me that the ban on earmarks may represent another such case. Don't get me wrong: I intensely dislike what they represent. But they are not the source of our fiscal problems, and they clearly provided some vital lubricant for our nation's creaky legislative machinery.

A poster describing the ingredients of a Chicago hot dog in illustrative type

  • Betty Turbo is selling copies of this informative poster. I agree with the No Ketchup rule, but all that other stuff is why I'm no great fan of Chicago dogs. Fun Fact: In Seattle, they sell put cream cheese on the bun.

For a qualitative description, I think you can find no better example than the Glass-Steagall Act. Most progressives, whether or not they favor a return to the specific rules enacted by this law, would certainly cite it as an example of the kind of “get tough on the banks” attitude they favor. Why can’t we have real liberals in congress like that anymore? But these guys were both white supremacist southerners. Rep Steagall, the more moderate of the two, was apparently known as “Marse Henry” by black Alabamians. Senator Carter Glass, by contrast, was the kind of guy who looked at the state of Virginia in 1900 and decided that the problem with it was that living conditions were too good for black people.

The song powerfully employs the shahada and a common humanity to de-authorize the self-imposed omnipotence of the Gaddafi regime while encouraging protesters “from Tunisia to Libya, Bahrain to Yemen” to rise up against oppression. It also points to a tightening of familial, political, and identity links between Arabs who have long lived abroad and younger generations who may have never visited the countries their parents originally hailed from. The fact that Can’t Take Our Freedom has been so popular and well received by Arabs both in the ‘West’ and in the MENA region speaks to a particular movement in which those who have chosen self-exile for political or economic reasons (or had it imposed upon them) are now collaborating in the rewriting of history with those who never left the country of origin but nevertheless felt internally displaced or dispossessed by the institutionalized power structures under which they lived. That Khaled M. is a multilingual Libyan-American with a dual identity and world-view is vital to seeing the Arab Spring for the multifaceted, globalized movement that it is.

Banner on the set of the NBC comedy Community

The goal of Americans Elect is to take a presidential nominating process now monopolized by the Republican and Democratic parties, which are beholden to their special interests, and blow it wide open — guaranteeing that a credible third choice, nominated independently, will not only be on the ballot in every state but be able to take part in every presidential debate and challenge both parties from the middle with the best ideas on how deal with the debt, education and jobs.

Friedman’s idea seems to be that if only we can find some reform that will allow us to “break the oligopoly of the two-party system,” it might, someday, be possible for someone who holds 90 percent of Barack Obama’s stated policy positions—plus support for a carbon tax—to assume a position of power. 

  • Tom Friedman will be a guest at the USSC this week. He will appear at the Sydney Opera House on Tuesday August 2nd in conversation with Peter Hartcher. Tickets are $35 ($25 concession) and can be purchased here. I'm looking forward to hearing from him — particularly given the significance of the date.

Obviously, Congress may modify or even extinguish the Social Security or Medicare programs prospectively. But the Republican majority in the House now refuses to permit the country to meet debts duly authorized in the past that remain duly authorized now, unless the Democrats and the President agree to a radical reduction in essential public services that they would never otherwise accept. That is playing blackmail with the nation’s honor. It threatens exactly the kind of forced default that the principle behind the debt clause declares it has no authority to inflict. I believe the best, principled, interpretation of the clause gives the president authority to ignore that blackmail and to borrow enough to meet the nation’s standing legal obligations.

  • Song of the week goes out to the House Republican Freshman contingent and their brinksmanship over the debt ceiling. May we hope they're not sorrowfully singing the Verve Pipe's 1996 one hit wonder "The Freshmen" while the economy crashes around them come Tuesday:

For the life of me, I cannot remember
What made us think that we were wise and we'd never compromise

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