GM = Giant Mess
1 June 2009
As I write, we are on the verge of the largest U.S. industrial bankruptcy in American history and the fourth largest bankruptcy overall. Very soon, the venerable, 100 year old General Motors will seek bankruptcy protection and the federal government (and the taxpayers) will have yet another enormous stake in yet another corporation that was deemed "too big to fail".
Critics suggest that this will lead to "Government Motors" with the Obama Administration going so far as to choose the colors of the new line of GM vehicles. However, the reality is that the Obama Administration doesn't want to be in the car manufacturing business, nor does it want to called upon to act as lender of last resort. The problem is that we are facing biggest economic slump since the Great Depression and there is no other choice.
There are a number of forces at work here. The Federal Government has already bailed out banks and insurance companies on the basis that the damage to the rest of the "system" from their liquidation requires them to act. GM is another company that is so big, that the government believes the cost (to workers, retirees, their pensions and health benefits) and the impact on the broader economy of its failure is so potentially great, that it cannot let it happen. Second, the credit markets have not stepped up to provide GM with any new debt, so that job now falls to the government.
The Federal Government has said it has no intention of seizing General Motors or of getting involved in its day-to-day business. We should believe them. As Nobel Laureate Paul Krugman has accurately pointed out, the government owns 80% of AIG but they have not sought to exercise day-to-day control over the company and there is no reason they should seek to do so with GM. The Obama Administration also has a lot more ambitious items on their agenda (like healthcare) and a lot of other things to take care of (like a Supreme Court nominee). That said, while GM is a drain on their finances, they will certainly be interested in ensuring that the company succeeds and pays them back as soon as possible.
Critics have also suggested that the government will try to force social change (smaller cars, greater fuel efficiency etc) through their stake in GM and the pressure they can now wield over the auto industry. The reality is that that President Obama was already committed to taking bold steps to curb greenhouse emissions and reduce America's dependence on foreign oil before he was elected. The industry has known for some time that they would have to embrace change, it just took a global recession for them to face that fact.
Critics have further charged that the President is favoring the unions over the bondholders and shareholders, who have been forced to swallow a very painful and expensive pill in order for GM to restructure. Frankly, I am sure that there is nothing more that President Obama would have liked than for the market to have emerged with a better solution. Sadly, that has not happened.
President Obama faces yet another daunting public relations challenge when he faces the nation tomorrow. The government has already invested almost $20 billion to GM and will likely increase that total to over $50 billion. The President needs to convince taxpayers (and voters) that this is the right thing to do and that he will stay out of GM's business while doing everything in his power to ensure that these decisions do not cost them more money in the long run. It is arguably easier to explain this kind of bailout in terms of the impact of inaction on American workers' jobs, than it was to explain bailing out a bunch of "Wall Street fat cats". But this is yet another significant bill that the taxpayers are being asked to pay. This time the President is seizing the debate before it runs away and he has already made the successful case for saving Wall Street, so he can do it again. Let's hope this is the last time he has to.
Judge Sotomayor and the Republican backlash
28 May 2009
The announcement of Judge Sonia Sotomayor as President Obama's nominee to the Supreme Court was a significant step forward for women, minorities and the law in the United States and a significant step backward for the Republican Party. As soon as the announcement was made, the knives were out for the whole world to see and the frenzy began, revealing a very dark and ugly side of conservative politics, which might appeal temporarily to the Republican base but certainly won't serve their party well in the future.
The cheap shots aimed at Judge Sotomayor by several prominent Republicans and Conservatives were nothing less than appalling. But don't take it from me - there is plenty of evidence in plain sight - Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich attacked her ethnicity and her self-acknowledgement of it, calling her a "Latina woman racist". Rush Limbaugh went on a tirade (again?!) attacking both her ethnicity and her gender calling her an "angry woman," a "bigot" and a "racist". Pat Buchanan called her an "affirmative action pick". Glenn Beck called her an "Hispanic chick lady".
At least Karl Rove decided not to attack her on the basis of her gender or her ethnicity but instead attacked her stellar intellect; "I know lots of stupid people who went to Ivy League schools", he told an audience at Radio City Music Hall. (Who could Mr. Rove - your former boss perhaps?) Republican Senator Ensign of Nevada also joined in, putting out a press release saying that he would "thoroughly review Judge Sotomayor's record to make sure she has the right intellect".
Not to be left out, fellow Republican Senator James Inhofe of Oklahoma weighed in on her capacity as a judge, suggesting in a press release that she might not be impartial or able to separate her background and life experience from her work. What makes this particular line of criticism all the more questionable is that it was not made of Supreme Court Justice nominee Samuel Alito when he openly admitted that his own life experience was influential in his judicial decision making.
Sharp, immediate and sustained criticism of Supreme Court nominees is par for the course in Washington. During my time with Senator Clinton, we went through three Supreme Court nominees who were questioned and criticized by the Democratic Party and other Progressives. One only has to look back at the nomination hearings of Robert Bork and Clarence Thomato know that the process is just as vicious and brutal as any political campaign because it is essentially the same kind of battle - for a coveted, crucial and high profile "political" position.
There are a few rays of light to come out of this process however. The first is the nomination of a smart and qualified candidate for the Supreme Court The second is the nomination of someone who represents many Americans that have never had representation on the Court. The third is that she will almost certainly be confirmed.
The Republican Party and Conservatives may think they are making gains by making such outrageous criticisms of Judge Sotomayor. In the process however, they are continuing to hammer nails into their own collective political coffin. By portraying themselves as the party that is taking cheap shots at a successful Hispanic woman, they risk permanently alienating Hispanics who make up a key portion of the U.S. voter base. Portraying themselves as sexist, they risk alienating women. And portraying themselves as extreme and right wing, they risk alienating moderates, who until recently were the lifeblood of the party. While these criticisms are a tawdry attempt to bury the nomination of a potential Supreme Court Justice, they will only end up burying Republicans and Conservatives in the end.
The $80 million problem
25 May 2009
While it should have been no surprise this week, the Senate's vote to deny the President the $80 million needed to close the detention center at Guantanamo Bay came as a serious blow to the Administration.
First and foremost was the damaging headline that almost all of the Democrats in the Senate had effectively cast a vote of no confidence in the President and his promise to close the facility. It also meant that in addition to everything else on his agenda, the President had to quickly pull together a speech and the momentum to back it up in order to wrest back control of the debate on national security. The vote this week also highlighted the possibility that the President might be trying to please everyone while in fact pleasing no one.
While it should have been no surprise this week, the Senate's vote to deny the President the $80 million needed to close the detention center at Guantanamo Bay came as a serious blow to the Administration.
First and foremost was the damaging headline that almost all of the Democrats in the Senate had effectively cast a vote of no confidence in the President and his promise to close the facility. It also meant that in addition to everything else on his agenda, the President had to quickly pull together a speech and the momentum to back it up in order to wrest back control of the debate on national security. The vote this week also highlighted the possibility that the President might be trying to please everyone while in fact pleasing no one.
The vote was a clear victory for Republicans and conservatives in their efforts to paint the President as soft on national security and terrorism. Republicans have long been desperate for a line of attack that will actually stick to the President in voters' minds. Despite their serious misses with the likes of Rush Limbaugh and Michael Steele, this one was a real hit The fact that members of his own party did not have faith in his idea meant that the Right had won and that everyone else had succumbed to the politics of fear. Conversely, it also gave liberal critics on the left another megaphone opportunity to suggest that the President has either wavered on or broken his core national security promises.
It also gave a real measure of credibility to the speech given the same day by former Vice President Cheney. While Republicans would clearly prefer to have someone else (someone with higher poll numbers perhaps?) communicating their message, they are probably happy to have ANYONE standing up to defend the Bush years. And defend Cheney will - especially when he seems to be almost the only member of the former Bush team willing to do it.
The problem for the Obama Administration is that the vote this week showed that former Vice President's message is resonating and the politics of fear are powerful indeed. In reality, consensus about national security and the "war on terror" probably falls somewhere between the views of President Obama and Vice President Cheney but fear is a powerful force when it comes to changing people's minds.
The President should have had a plan and presented it to Congress before the vote and he should also have given a powerful national security speech before the momentum and the argument got away from him. To be fair, he has a great number of other things to deal with but it was no secret that no one would want Guantanamo detainees in their backyard. This is obviously only a temporary stumbling block for the Administration. Most people predict that another facility will simply be built to house the detainees but by then it will have cost the taxpayers money and the Obama Administration political capital too.
In reality, President Obama has already disappointed his most left wing supporters by embraced the essentials of the Bush national security system - keeping the military commissions, withholding the torture photos and considering the possibility of indefinite detention for certain detainees. He can't risk losing all of his political capital by now being seen as weak on terrorism or security.
The President deserves to get credit from voters for the tough decisions he has already taken on national security. In the long term, it will also be critical for him, for his plan and for Democrats in Congress to be seen as pragmatic but assertive on national security rather than prevaricating over those issues that strike fear into the heart of every voter.
Credit cards and guns?
21 May 2009
While left-wing Democrats should have a great deal to smile about, they were given another reason to frown today with the passage of a credit-card reform bill. However, it wasn't the credit card measures that caused so much grief but rather an unrelated amendment in the bill to allow guns to be carried in National Parks. Since when does anyone need a gun in a National Park you ask? Since Democrats and the White House realized that they need the support of blue-collar Americans to stay in power.
The amendment understandably came as a huge disappointment to gun control advocates who, you would think, should instead be hopeful, with a new President in the White House and Democrats holding power in Congress. They also had the recent 20th anniversary of the Columbine massacre and a string of terrible shootings to raise the nation's awareness about their cause.
Unfortunately however, they have had significant reason so far to be upset with the Administration and Congress. In addition to allowing Congress to move forward on the bill to allow weapons in National Parks, the Obama Administration has already said that it won't be easy to reinstate the assault weapons ban and has done little so far to restrict or repeal the so-called Tiahrt Amendment another critical goal of gun control advocates. Even if they look ahead, there aren't that many signs to suggest that gun control advocates are going to have much to celebrate in the coming months.
The truth is, Democrats have realized that they cannot push the issue of gun control and hope to remain in power, let alone tackle some of the other significant issues on their agenda. Former Vice President Al Gore was a strong advocate of gun control; a position that many Democrats believe may have cost him the South and the Presidency. It is telling that today moderate Republicans are a dying breed and conservative Democrats are a force to be reckoned with. Democrats know that to retain their Congressional majority it is essential that in the short term they do not bring issues like gun control to the forefront and in the long term, perhaps ignore them altogether.
As evidence - a Pew Research Poll last month showed that the nation is essentially split on the topic of gun control. Only 49% said they thought it was more important to control guns than support gun ownership, compared to 58% a year ago. More interestingly, a recent NBC-Wall Street Journal Poll showed that 53% of people support the assault weapons ban, down from 75% in 1991.
It is also in the President Obama's political interests right now to steer clear of any major culture wars on issues like gun control. President Clinton was drawn into several issues like gays in the military and gun control that ignited significant culture wars at the time and arguably lost him control of Congress in 1994. Democrats and in particular, former Clinton and now Obama advisers like Rahm Emanuel seem very keen to stop that from happening again. The White House has said that it is not pushing forward on certain issues like gun control because that would distract from other issues like the economy and healthcare. They are right, but it would distract in more ways than simply taking away precious resources from the myriad of problems that the Obama Administration currently faces. A huge culture war on an issue like gun control right now would cost President Obama significant support in Congress and in the electorate. And with the average American facing so many challenges to their hip pockets, their spirit and their outlook on the future, no matter how meritorious gun control might be, it may be relegated to the backburner for some time.
Reversal of fortune?
18 May 2009
President Obama made two critical decisions this week - decisions that couldn't have been easy to make. The President announced that he was going to seek to block the release of the so-called torture photographs and retain the system of military tribunals for enemy detainees. As a result, the President received the kind of reaction that has not so far characterized his administration - he copped criticism about the decision from many of his traditional supporters on the left of politics and praise from many of his regular detractors on the right. While the individual merits of each decision have already been and will continue to be hotly debated over the coming weeks and months, the overall impact of the decisions could potentially be damaging to a President who is entering the next critical phase of his term.
On the one hand, the decisions may prove positive for the President. They are evidence to detractors on the right (former Vice-President Cheney chief among them) that this is a man who is serious about homeland security and the security of American troops overseas. The decisions were also in keeping with a core promise that the President made on the campaign trail - that, as President, he would listen to his military commanders. There is also nothing wrong with having a President who is agile and humble enough to change his mind, especially if the decision involves matters of national or international security.
On the other hand however, they look to many like the decisions of a politician who will either say anything to get elected or who underestimates the political realities of governing versus campaigning.
Whether average Americans really care about the President's decisions is debatable when they are faced with rising unemployment and mounting debt but the President will need his allies, both inside and outside the Beltway in the coming months as he moves forward to do battle on issues like healthcare and energy security. In deciding to keep the military commissions, the President chose the advice of his Defense advisers over that of his Justice Department. In deciding not to release the photos, he further enraged many on the left who were already upset with him over his decision not to prosecute over the so-called "torture memos".
The President was always going to upset someone, no matter what he decided. The difficulty for President Obama is that critics on both the left and right can now attack him for breaking promises and abandoning core values. And they can do so just when the President needs everyone to support him on the next, perhaps more critical, round of policy commitments that will further define his presidency.
Going broke
14 May 2009
Yet another chilling economic forecast sent shockwaves through Washington this week. The culprit was a report from the Social Security and Medicare Trustees, which forecast that the Social Security trust fund will be depleted by 2037 and the Medicare hospital insurance trust fund will be exhausted by 2017.
The news shouldn’t really have sent shockwaves through Washington – the imminent depletion of these two crucial public funds is a political and economic reality that the nation has been facing for many years. But the predictions come as yet another blow to an Administration and a Congress that is struggling to deal with all the enormous problems at hand and a nation that is already reeling under a series of heavy economic punches.
While it has all been predicted before, what made everyone shudder was the extent to which the economy has impacted both programs. That, and the dawning political reality that Congress may finally have to make the difficult and potentially unpopular decisions needed to deal with these critical problems.
Arguably, the Trustee’s report provides a good opportunity for the Obama Administration. The sense of urgency created by the report may work in the President’s favor as he tries to tackle comprehensive healthcare reform. It may also serve as good talking points for Members of Congress who are wavering on the subject.
On the flip side, the report has already triggered a mess of suggestions on Capitol Hill about how to fix the situation. Often the greater the urgency, the more panicked everyone becomes, making it hard for a comprehensive proposal to pass in the face of such devastating predictions. In addition, although they are determined to develop a comprehensive plan for reform, it will be hard for the Obama Administration to ask anything more of taxpayers who are already in pain and increasingly skeptical. And while many Americans believe that the healthcare system is broken and may be prepared to support a plan to reform it, many are very wary of any attempt to change Social Security.
One thing is for sure - with midterm elections looming in 2010, the President needs to act fast and he knows it. In addition to everything else, the midterms could have a huge impact on any plans that the Administration might have to tackle both problems.
Fixing the healthcare system alone will be one of the biggest challenges for the Obama Administration and this latest report is one of many indicators as to why it is a goal that needs to be accomplished. With or without the trustees’ predictions, it would be a tragedy of generational proportions if action were not finally taken to address these enormous problems.
Switching sides
30 April 2009
Something happened this week that almost stole the President's 100 Days thunder and it wasn't swine flu. It was the announcement by Pennsylvania Senator Arlen Specter that he was switching his political alignment from Republican to Democrat. The news was greeted with tremendous enthusiasm by Democrats, many of whom celebrated what might seem to be (depending on the outcome of the Minnesota Senate race) a 60-vote, filibuster proof majority and a chance to keep Pennsylvania "blue". But while Democrats have a great deal to celebrate with Specter's defection, they would also be wise to understand the real consequences of the Senior Senator's decision.
First of all, to beat a filibuster you need 60 votes, not 60 Democrats. Even as he announced that he was switching parties, Senator Specter made it clear that he was "not an automatic 60th vote". To illustrate, he said he remains opposed to some key pieces of legislation that the Administration and Democrats would like to see approved by Congress including the Employee Free Choice Act and continues to oppose the nomination of Dawn Johnsen to head the Office of Legal Counsel.
Some have argued that Senator Specter's vote will change with the passage of time and the helpful assistance of a leadership that needs his vote so will no doubt accommodate him to get it. That said, the Senator will definitely take some convincing - he describes his decision to switch parties as "painful" and Democrats should believe him. In addition, he has not always been a supporter of the President's agenda. While many Democrats (and Republicans, who sought to use it against him) celebrated the fact that he voted in favor of the President's stimulus package, he also voted for the Republicans' five year spending freeze and has voted against timetables for the war in Iraq. He also recently published an article in the New York Review of Books in which he expressed concerns about the increase in Presidential power and said he would work to ensure that President Obama did indulge in power grabs like his predecessor did.
Senator Specter is also not famous for his blind party allegiance, and his largely unaligned and sometimes unpredictable agenda proved to be a constant thorn in the Republicans' side throughout the years. The Senator proved that even today, as he stood with President Obama in the morning and received the President's full support for his re-election but finished his day by voting against the President's Budget. While Democrats should be happy to have such a senior legislator on their side, that independent streak may now prove to be a thorn in the Democrats' side.
Despite the fact that Senator Specter's switch does not guarantee a filibuster proof majority, Democrats also have to be careful because the even the impression that they have the power to get anything through Congress also has the potential to increase the amount of blame that voters place on them when things go wrong.
Some conservatives have argued that Senator Specter's defection is a boost for Democrats because it could have a real impact on the future of the Supreme Court. Democrats should however remember that Senator Specter has a serious and famous legal mind of his own and has been intimately involved in confirmation hearings for decades. Senator Specter, who (to date) is a senior member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, will make his own (not the President's) decision on any future nominees.
Finally, while many Democrats have pointed to the fact that Specter's defection will mean the Pennsylvania will remain a "blue" state, with both Senators representing the Democratic Party, others point to the fact that local Democrats have been voting for many years against Senator Specter and such a leap may be difficult for many of them to stomach. Add to that the fact that the Senator's decision was one based largely on the political calculation that he could not win re-election as a Republican, which may put off many Democrats.
Come what may, Specter's decision is definitely a boost for Democrats Even if the Senator's vote does not ensure a filibuster-proof majority, it certainly allows Democrats to wield the threat of such a majority in the face of Republican congressional antics. And let's face it, Senator Specter's defection is another blow to the struggling Republican Party. It has clearly upset many on the Right, angering some and filling others with dismay and disappointment. It also highlights the struggle that moderate Republicans are having against the conservative movement, again opening the festering wound that is the battle between conservative ideologues and moderates in the party, which can only be good for Democrats in both the short and long term.
The first 100 days
27 April 2009
Wednesday April 29 marks a very important day on the American calendar. It is not a public holiday, nor is it a day of national celebration. Many Americans won't recognize its significance but you can be sure that everyone in Washington does - it marks the end of President Obama's first 100 days in office.
While it seems absurd to judge a President on his actions over such a relatively short period of time, the first 100 days have traditionally been viewed as a litmus test of a new presidency. Magazines will devote their covers to it, television news will spend hours talking about it and countless bloggers (yes - me too) will feel obliged to say something. In our never-ending quest for political news and gossip we need something new to talk about almost every minute and so the first 100 days remains a benchmark by which the President shall be judged. At least for now...
So far, this has been a remarkable 100 days. First of all, you have a President who has come into office and pursued an ambitious agenda, not only to make good on his campaign promises but also to do so as quickly as possible. In only 100 days, the President has, amongst other things, passed a $787 billion stimulus plan, expanded children's healthcare, intervened in the housing and the credit crisis, announced the withdrawal of troops from Iraq, announced the closure of Guantanamo, signed the Ledbetter equal pay for women law and outlawed the use of torture. Add to that, he has announced his plans to reshape the American economy, from healthcare to the environment to taxation. All in the face of a financial system on the brink of collapse. He has faced seemingly innumerable crises, from AIG to Somali pirates. He has gone out and communicated a new diplomatic approach for the United States and tried to repair countless bridges with other nations.
Perhaps the most significant achievement of all however is that he has done all that and still retained the confidence of the nation and the American people. According to a new national poll, he has a 69% job approval rating, with 61% of Americans trusting him to manage the economy. More importantly, 50% of Americans believe that the country is headed in the right direction, up from only 19% when he took office.
To be fair, he has stumbled, over the question of whether to prosecute those who authored the torture memos, in the vetting of some of his high-profile Cabinet candidates like Tom Daschle and Bill Richardson and with some of his high-profile gift giving. He has also capitulated on several of issues, including his proposals to slash farm subsidies and to reinstate the assault weapons ban.
But there are a lot more than 100 days to come of this Presidency and while we clearly can't help ourselves, it would be wiser to remember that a Presidency is more often defined by much more than just its beginning. Historically too, most Presidential approval ratings have averaged around 60% for the first 100 days. Even George W. Bush had an approval rating of 58% at the end of his first 100 days. (Of course we were fat and happy in the those pre-9/11 days with skyrocketing stock markets and a budget surplus courtesy of President Clinton. So perhaps then to be 11 points ahead of George W. Bush is actually understating the current President's popularity..?)
In the coming weeks and months the President faces several tests that could significantly impact his Presidency. More immediately he faces the consequences of his bailout of the auto industry, the release of detainee interrogation photos, and the results of the bank stress tests. Further down the road, he faces the huge challenges of rising deficits, reforming the healthcare system and fixing the nation's energy security woes. Not to mention the challenges coming from the Middle East, Iran, Pakistan, North Korea, Afghanistan and even Mexico. On June 30 he also faces another deadline - withdrawing American combat troops from Iraqi cities.
In addition, he faces dissent from within his own base of supporters - moderate Democrats who have joined together to fight his fiscal priorities and liberal Democrats who are not happy about his decisions on the auto bailout, not to prosecute over the torture memos and to increase troops in Afghanistan. He also faces a bitter national partisan divide with polls showing that while 93% of Democrats approve of his overall performance, only 36% of Republicans feel the same way.
Whatever happens down the road however, the facts still remain - so far this President has faced significant challenges, far more than have tested many of those who have come before him. Whether you agree with his approach or not, he has acted in good faith to rescue an entire economy and present a new face to the rest of the world - all in under six months. No matter what the next 100 days bring, for better or for worse, he has faced and achieved a great deal so far.
The Minnesota senate race
23 April 2009
A small but interesting item appeared in the news this week, amid all the furor over the Department of Justice torture memos and the continuing debate over the Administration's economic rescue plan - Al Franken has begun hiring staff. Or more precisely - he has announced that he will be hiring a State Director.
To explain...
Al Franken is the "winner" of the 2008 election to represent Minnesota in the United States Senate. So why has he only just begun to hire staff? Surely he should have done that months ago? Problem is, he still can't really hire anyone - at least not to serve in his Senate office. Franken is caught up in a protracted legal dispute over the 2008 election returns that has left Minnesota without a second Senator for six months, during one of the most critical times in Congress' history.
While the election of a Minnesota Senator might seem like a local problem, it is in fact a dispute that has national ramifications, because Al Franken would be the 59th Democrat in a Senate that has already approved billions of dollars in spending and is about to face additional historic challenges on issues like healthcare, the environment and taxation reform. With 59 seats in the Senate, the Democrats would then only be one vote short of a filibuster-proof majority, which is why the Republicans are so keen to keep the dispute going and to prevent Franken from taking his seat in the Senate.
Governor Tim Pawlenty, a Republican who has Presidential ambition in abundance is in a tight spot over the race. He is feeling pressure on one side from the many Minnesotans anxious to see it come to a speedy conclusion and on the other from his Republican colleagues who are desperate to re-seat former Senator Norm Coleman and thereby remain a Congressional thorn in the Democrats' side. Governor Pawlenty and Secretary of State Mark Ritchie, a Democrat, must certify the election before the new Senator is sworn in and the Governor has said he will not certify the results of the election at least until the state litigation process was completed.
So far, the results have favored Al Franken, who was 312 votes ahead of Coleman following the initial vote count and recount and has been the beneficiary of a recent positive rulings from a special Minnesota panel of three judges from three separate courts. Still, Coleman has already announced that he would appeal to the State Supreme Court.
The problem is, so long as the dispute continues, Minnesota is left with only one Senator to deal with the problems of over 5 million people in a region that shares its border with another country. The dispute has now cost $12 million that arguably could have been spent on something else. The other problem is that for a Republican party that is already in turmoil and about to face the brutal political reality that their former President condoned torture, the Franken v Coleman dispute is just another embarrassment that they really don't need.
The Bush torture memos
20 April 2009
The release by the Obama Administration this week of the Justice Department memos from 2002 and 2005 that authorized the CIA to use torture has created yet another problem for the President that he simply doesn't need. The memos, which describe in detail the brutal techniques that could be used by the CIA to interrogate detainees, have been universally and strongly condemned, as have their authors. Unfortunately however, it is the current President who has in fact come under some of the harshest criticism, because politics doesn't always allow a President to do what is right.
For the release of the memos, President Obama justifiably received considerable praise. Not only was he making good on a commitment to greater transparency and accountability within government, he was bringing to light some of the darkest secrets of the Bush Administration and the "war on terror" and making a significant effort to right the wrongs of the past. He was also building on his broader opposition to torture - a commitment that was clear from the early days of his Presidency when he acted to prohibit the use of the interrogation techniques employed under the former Administration.
However noble his intentions, this was also a political decision. Clearly the President and his Administration wanted to make good on their commitment to transparency and their opposition to torture, but they also hoped that the release of the memos would meet the government's obligations in a Freedom of Information lawsuit while at the same time contrasting the policies of the current President against those of his predecessor The problem however lies in the decision not to prosecute those involved in the memos.
The President faces a double-edged sword with regard to prosecution. He cannot prosecute because he needs to retain the confidence and the loyalty of the intelligence community in the ongoing struggle against terrorism and in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. He cannot prosecute because he cannot risk exposing members of Congress who, it is well documented, knew about the questionable interrogation tactics as far back as 2002.
He also cannot prosecute because presumably he knows that there is a very real danger in changing the rules of the game retroactively, rules that were established when the nation was under threat. He cannot prosecute because he then runs the risk of not obtaining a conviction.
Fundamentally, prosecuting those who were responsible for the memos is the right thing to do. Politically however, it might not be the easy thing to do Unfortunately though, not doing it may also carry a heavy political burden If some in the intelligence community are to be believed, the President may have potentially exposed the nation to greater risk and undermined intelligence gathering without getting any real credit for being fundamentally opposed to torture and helping to right the wrongs of the past. In addition, he now risks being the subject of the anger that should in fact be direct at former President G.W. Bush and his Administration for authorizing such inhumane treatment. Further, while the President has taken significant steps to outlaw the use of torture in the United States, if he doesn't prosecute those who authorized its use, his failure to do so risks becoming the focus of his legacy on this issue, rather than the good work he has done. It will also be harder for the American people to have faith in his message of change if he doesn't go all the way towards righting the wrongs of the past. In addition, over the past few weeks, the President has been travelling all over the world, trying to repair international relationships and improve the image of the U.S. in the eyes of the world. If he doesn't prosecute, these efforts may also be jeopardized.
To his credit, in announcing the release of the memos this week, the President did not explicitly close the door on prosecuting those who authored the memos, nor did he close the door on an investigation. However, given all of the other issues on his plate, it does not seem likely. Perhaps the Administration is hoping that role will be taken up by Congress and realistically, with an economy still struggling, the American people will probably be much more concerned in the coming months with taxes and layoffs than with torture. But sadly, unless further action is taken, the President's own legacy on this issue risks being mired in the continuing debate over the actions of his predecessor.
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- 2011 National Summit: The 9/11 Decade - Australian and American Perspectives
- 2011 National Summit: The 9/11 Decade - Welcome
- 2011 National Summit: The 9/11 Decade - Cocktail Reception
- Bob Hawke: Reflections on the Australia-United States Alliance
- Washington DC Internship Program
- American Grace: How religion divides and unites America
- John Howard: Reflections on the Australia-United States Alliance
- Soil Carbon Stakeholder Workshop
- Reception for US Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia
- City of the Future
- The Midterm Referendum on Obama
- Welcome reception for United States Consul General
- Jack Miles at the Centre for Independent Studies
- Waiting for the Preacher: Obama’s America in World Religious Context
- The Icarus Syndrome: A History of American Hubris
- Intelligence reform in the United States
- Book Launch: Financial Fraud and Guerrilla Violence in Missouri's Civil War, 1861-1865
- Ethical supply chains: An executive roundtable
- Jeffrey Schott: Trade policy in the Obama administration and the outlook for Asia- Pacific economic integration
- Race in America, race in Australia: A public forum featuring Glenn Loury, Waleed Aly and Bob Carr
- Workshop on Inequality
- China-US relations: Partners or rivals
- Mark Tushnet: Current issues and controversies in the US
- Gail Fosler: What the financial crisis tells us about ourselves - A US perspective on economic and governance challenges
- Jonathan Greenblatt delivers lecture to undergraduate students
- Peter Katzenstein: Why the clash of civilizations is wrong
- Henry Cisneros on housing and sustainability
- James Hansen: What Australia should do about climate change
- War correspondent Mark Danner in conversation with Geoffrey Garrett
- Launch of the Dow Sustainability Program
- Sustainable supply chains
- David Brady: The Obama Presidency and the outlook for the coming year
- US Ambassador meets students at the US Studies Centre
- US Business Leadership Forum with Rupert Murdoch
- Celebrating the launch of American Review
- One year of Obama: A discussion with James Fallows, Paul Kelly, Robert Hill and Geoffrey Garrett
- James Fallows: One year of Obama
- Obama: One year in the making
- Meeting of the US Studies Centre Council of Advisors
- Costello discusses post-GFC financial reform
- Jim Johnson: How is Obama responding to the financial crisis?
- Jim Johnson seminar with US Studies students
- US Politics in the Pub: The rebirth of the Republican right?
- Dennis Richardson discusses the state of Australia-US relations
- "US in the World" High school lecture
- 2009 National Summit: Dinner
- 2009 National Summit: John Micklethwait Keynote Speech
- 2009 National Summit: Human health and sustainability - What are the challenges for globalisation?
- 2009 National Summit: Expert Sessions 2
- 2009 National Summit: Business solves poverty - The new approach to corporate social responsibility
- 2009 National Summit: Corporate social responsibility - How should business behave in the GFC?
- 2009 National Summit: Climate change and energy security - Looking towards the Copenhagen Conference
- 2009 National Summit: Breakfast
- 2009 National Summit: Public Forum
- 2009 National Summit: Expert Sessions 1
- 2009 National Summit: Labour and human rights - Can we afford them in a global financial crisis?
- 2009 National Summit: Malcolm Turnbull Keynote Speech
- 2009 National Summit: Governing the global economy - Economic nationalism vs. Bretton Woods 2.0
- 2009 National Summit: Obama's America - Globalisation headaches and protectionist impulses
- 2009 National Summit: Peter Garrett Opening Address
- 2009 National Summit: Welcome Address
- 2009 National Summit: Welcome Reception
- 2009 National Summit: Masterclass
- Thomas Mann: The Obama Administration and its Outlook on the Asia Pacific
- Thomas Mann: The First 100 Days of the Obama Administration
- Robert Burgelman: Leading Strategically in a Turbulent Environment
- Robert Thomson: The Obama Administration and the Actions Shaping the Global Financial Crisis
- Barry Jackson: Evaluating the Obama Stimulus Package
- The Great American Recession: What Does It Mean For You?
- Edward Leamer: The Financial Crisis and the Outlook for the US
- Inauguration Watch: Manning Bar
- Inauguration Watch: Breakfast
- Harry Harding: China in the 21st Century and Policy Implications for Australia, the US and the World
- Christmas Function
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- The President-Elect: What Can We Expect?
- David Brady: The US Under the New President
- Election Day Spectacular
- Michael Parks and Simon Jackman: America at the Crossroads
- 'US in the World' High School Lecture
- Foreign Policy of Obama and McCain: Which is Australia's Gain?
- Mike Chinoy: Global Crisis Points - The War on Terror, Loose Nukes and American Foreign Policy
- James Gibbons: Replicating Silicon Valley - Lessons for Australia
- Vice Presidential Debate Screening
- Visit by the Australian Political Exchange Council’s 25th US Delegation
- Derek Shearer: Obama v McCain - Who Will Win, Does it Matter?
- John Howard Dinner
- McCain's Acceptance Speech: Republican National Convention
- New Horizons: Breaking into the US market
- Sydney Uni Live!
- Obama's Acceptance Speech: Democratic National Convention
- Hedley Bull Book Launch: Address by Bob Hawke
- Great White Fleet Centenary Ball
- Dick McCormack: Global Financial Risk and the Role of Central Banks and Regulators
- Jonathan Pollack: US-North Asia Relations
- Jeffrey Sachs Dinner
- ANZASA Conference
- Peter Scher: Will US Trade Policy Change After the 2008 Elections?
- Peter Scher: The Next President's Challenge - Global Trade and the 2008 Elections
- Matt Bai: US Political Journalism - The Next Generation
- Bob Pisano: Positioning Australian Screen Content in the US Marketplace
- Marvin Goodfriend: The Outlook for the US Economy and the State of the Financial Institutions
- American Foreign Policy After Bush: Frank Fukuyama in Conversation with Geoffrey Garrett
- Frank Fukuyama Meets US Studies Students
- Frank Fukuyama: Contemporary Issues Facing America
- Super Tuesday screening at the Manning Bar
- 2007 National Summit: Public Forum
- 2007 National Summit: Networking and Research Forum
- 2007 National Summit: America Then, America Now
- 2007 National Summit: Climate Change or Islamofascism
- 2007 National Summit: Dinner
- 2007 National Summit: How Countries Compete
- 2007 National Summit: Will the Next US Foreign Policy Look Surprisingly Like the Current One?
- 2007 National Opinion Survey: Australian Attitudes Towards the US (Part 2)
- 2007 National Summit: Opening
- 2007 National Summit: Welcome Reception
- Role of Arts and Humanities in Building International Understanding: Harriet Mayor Fulbright
- 2007 National Opinion Survey: Australian Attitudes Towards the US (Part 1)
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