Pre-departure musings, domestic struggles, and exciting times ahead

By Jenny Chen in Sydney, Australia

8 January 2015

Jenny Chen is an undergraduate student at the University of Sydney. She heading to the United States as part of the Centre's Washington DC Placement Program.


I'm the type of person who likes being prepared and planning ahead. I constantly make lists and jot down reminders for myself. A few of us going on the Washington DC Program have already gotten together and planned out where we want to travel on our weekends. I've even packed my suitcases in my mind.


Note to self: make sure to pack my passport and I-20 forms in my carry on baggage and leave plenty of room in my suitcase for the ridiculous amount of shopping that I will inevitably indulge in.

However, no amount of reminders, lists, or mental planning can prepare us for the excitement that is bound to ensue within the next few months.

While in DC, I'll be interning for Congressman Peter Roskam. I am extremely excited to work in a proper, professional environment and get a taste of what can be expected in the future. Wow: Capitol Hill, the political powerhouse of USA, and arguably the world. Just being at the frontline, seeing where law is being made and how it impacts society will be an unparalleled and eye-opening experience.

Despite all the glitz and the glamour, I'm not going to lie, the thought of interning for a congressman is quite intimidating. However, I am going to harness these nerves and use them to motivate me to achieve my greatest potential. I will no doubt acquire plenty of knowledge during the nine weeks of studies and internship. This is going to be an extraordinary learning experience that will allow me to develop my understanding of American politics and hone my skills in working in a professional environment. 

Issues arise when you're in a foreign country, especially if you're geographically challenged like myself. Usually I would either follow my friends to our destination or spend a solid hour on Google Maps planning out and memorising my journey. Something tells me the GPS on my phone will soon become my best friend. Issues also arise when you're no longer living in the oblivious comfort of your family home. I will not even try to pretend to be a culinary expert. I can probably count the number of dishes in my cooking repertoire on one hand. Also, my roommate, despite living in college, has never done her own laundry — her dad takes her laundry back home every weekend. Together, we make quite the dismal pair. How we are to survive nine weeks, even I'm not too sure.

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However, this aspect of the program is one of the many reasons why I find it so exciting. We're left to fend for ourselves and despite the several mishaps that are bound to happen, I know that this shared experience of suffering will only bring us closer. We shall brave the laundromats together. We shall scrape burnt food off pots and pans together. Or if that doesn't work out, we shall cut our losses, go to the nearest restaurant, and eat together.

I can't contain my excitement for the program's start. I have never been to America before and, despite sounding incredibly clichéd, it's honestly a dream come true. Before the program commences I will visit New York with three good friends who are fellow DCers. We will also be traveling to Boston, Chicago, and Orlando on the weekends.

I'm ready. Ready for my small bubble to be burst by the glitz and glamour of New York and the political prowess of Capitol Hill. Ready for the internship and exchange experience of a lifetime.

Watch out Washington DC. We're coming.


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The city of the big shoulders and the deep dish

By Eric Xu in Chicago, Illinois

8 January 2015

Eric Xu is an undergraduate student at the University of Sydney. He is currently in the United States as part of the Centre's Los Angeles Placement Program.

The last few days before my departure were hectic, but sitting here at 4am in a hotel room in Chicago, listening to the city starting to sputter to life makes it all worth it — in a weird jetlagged way.

Here’s the first of Eric’s not so wise words: Get started early. I literally booked my flights a week before I left and it was a frantic scrabble right up to the flight. In the week before I left, there were three days of training which went over the essentials that we needed to know. First we were shown some Excel wizardry, and then we went over the more manageable stuff, like setting goals and getting motivated to give a killer presentation.

I’m travelling for a bit before the program starts, so my first stop was Shanghai. It was actually the first time travelling by myself — normally I go with friends or family, but I feel like I took a big step of independence this time. Actually I took a lot of them at a run because I almost missed my flight and I did that half run/half jog thing that you do when you have to go places fast but you want to look cool at the same time. I eventually started running in earnest because they were asking for an “Eric Zooo” to hurry up and get on the plane. That was the first time that happened to me too — a day for firsts it seems. Remember that first piece of advice? Yeah.

I don’t have all too much to say about Shanghai, but it was mainly eating and being sick. I’ve got this great ability to get a cold, start to get over it, then get a fever instead. So I had to change my Chicago flight to a day after my intended one. I got to the airport early this time. Remember advice numero uno.

Dan and Eric getting overly excited by the deep dish pizza goodness

Dan and I getting overly excited by the deep dish pizza goodness

As soon as I got out of Chicago’s airport, I headed out to get a deep dish pizza with one of my roommates in LA, Dan. It was so good, oh so cheesy, but so very filling. The best way to describe it is like a big pizza pie: that’s amore. We’re still trying to get used to tipping and tax being separate things to the price and I’m pretty sure we’ve offended a couple of waiters already.

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Chicago has this cold and serene beauty that is occasionally hard to remember whilst you’re being buffeted down the street, but look up once in a while and take in the amazing architecture that dominates the skyline. A girl told us it was so cloudy because vampires lived here, but then again we convinced that same girl that drop bears existed, so…

The John Hancock building where you can go up and get panoramic views of Chicago

The John Hancock building, where you can go up and get panoramic views of Chicago

Starting to work and study here is a really exciting and unnerving prospect. I guess it hasn’t really sunk in properly yet, as there’s so much to see and do before we even get to LA, because all I can think of is where to get a Pizookie and Chicago hotdog. You can see we have our priorities sorted.


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American Daily: January 7, 2015

By Jonathan Bradley in Sydney, Australia

7 January 2015

This reverent but disengaged attitude toward the military—we love the troops, but we’d rather not think about them—has become so familiar that we assume it is the American norm. But it is not. When Dwight D. Eisenhower, as a five-star general and the supreme commander, led what may have in fact been the finest fighting force in the history of the world, he did not describe it in that puffed-up way. On the eve of the D-Day invasion, he warned his troops, “Your task will not be an easy one,” because “your enemy is well-trained, well-equipped, and battle-hardened.” As president, Eisenhower’s most famous statement about the military was his warning in his farewell address of what could happen if its political influence grew unchecked.

For one thing, the Fed has had a hard time gaining traction in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, because the aftermath of a huge housing and mortgage bubble has left private spending relatively unresponsive to interest rates. This time around, monetary policy really needed help from a temporary increase in government spending, which meant that the president could have made a big difference. And he did, for a while; politically, the Obama stimulus may have been a failure, but an overwhelming majority of economists believe that it helped mitigate the slump.

While McDonnell was initially viewed as a future presidential contender, a blockbuster March 2013 investigative report from the Washington Post's Rosalind Helderman and Laura Vozzella put those hopes in serious doubt. The reporters revealed that businessman Jonnie Williams paid for $15,000 of catering at McDonnell's daughter's wedding, and chronicled the efforts of the first couple to help Williams' company. A federal criminal investigation was underway, and it turned up evidence of many more undisclosed gifts. In January 2014, only days after leaving office, McDonnell and his wife were each indicted on 13 counts, 11 of which were corruption charges.

It’s wrong to imply that the normal need for 60 is inherent in Senate rules and procedures, and not a response to tactics by the Senate minority. We don’t know if Democrats will filibuster everything the way Republicans have done for the last six years, but if they do reporters should call them out on it instead of pretending it isn’t happening.

  • Meeting Ayn Rand on the Las Vegas strip.

A city that works by extremes is an appropriate place to celebrate Ayn Rand—or, more specifically, Objectivism, the philosophy she conceived and the occasion for the conference I was in Las Vegas to attend. Rand made a name for herself writing novels in the 40s and 50s before trying to articulate the worldview they implied. The Romantic Manifesto, The Virtue of Selfishness, and Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal have never enjoyed the popular appeal of The Fountainhead or Atlas Shrugged, but then again, they weren’t meant to. If art, for Rand, was “the integrator of metaphysics,” the precepts themselves warranted description.

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Obama's Cuban legacy

By Hannah Blyth in Sydney, Australia

6 January 2015

Hannah Blyth is an alumnus of the Centre's master's program.

President Barack Obama’s decision to take executive action to restore diplomatic relations with Cuba is domestically bold, but may prove a strategic win for future American foreign policy.

Taking many casual observers by surprise, the President announced on 17 December that he would sidestep Congress and use his presidential authority to re-establish full diplomatic ties with Cuba. This includes reviewing its position on the state sponsor of terrorism list, and lifting restrictions on travel, commerce, and the flow of information between America and its nearby neighbour.

While the President cannot repeal the five-decade-long embargo without Congress, his move to use presidential power on an issue as divisive as Cuba will not be without domestic consequences.

The question is why did President Obama choose to act now?

Domestically, Obama has made it clear that in the face of congressional gridlock and a now–hostile majority in both houses after the 2014 midterms, he will use executive action. We saw this in November when he announced sweeping immigration reforms that incensed House Republicans, and now we see a similar use of power in American foreign policy toward Cuba.  

The ageing population of Cuban-Americans in the swing state of Florida has also paved the way for a once-taboo political topic. As the New York Times reported in October, the once solid voting block of exiled Cubans who stoically supported Cuban isolation is giving way to a younger generation of voters more open to a policy of engagement.

On a global scale, Obama has timed the reengagement with Cuba with strategic precision. Since the crippling US embargo established in 1961 and further tightened by the Helms-Burton Act in 1996, Cuba’s sluggish economy has relied on subsidies from its more powerful allies. These came from the Soviet Union up until its collapse in the 1990s, followed by Venezuela, who has supplied heavily subsidised oil to Cuba ever since. The key problem is world oil prices have dropped by almost 50 per cent since June, and Venezuela’s economy is on shaky ground. With oil revenues accounting for about 95 per cent of Venezuela’s export earnings according to OPEC, the country is now on the verge of a debt default. President Obama is taking this chance to establish new relations with Cuba that have the potential to provide real growth to Cuba’s stagnant closed economy.

The Cold War threat that Cuba once posed as Fidel Castro allied himself with the Soviet Union is no longer relevant to the American homeland. At 88 years old, revolutionary-turned totalitarian leader Castro has all but disappeared from public life. His younger brother and current president Raúl is not far behind him at 83 years old. As succession-planning for the future of the Cuban state begins, President Obama’s diplomatic olive branch is well-timed to provide a taste of economic freedom, including the internet, to the Cuban people. Not such a bad strategic move when Havana is less than 100 miles off the coast of Florida.

The President’s move has been met with criticism ranging from predictable Republican voices such as Marco Rubio and the hard-line Cuban-American community, to the less predictable Washington Post, whose editorial board labelled it an "undeserved bailout." However if all goes to plan and Obama manages to get a Cuban ambassador confirmed through Congress, the short-term domestic criticism may just give way into a key mantle of Obama’s presidential legacy. It will also pave the way for new American foreign policy and engagement with one of its closest neighbours. 

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Cementing the relationship between economics and foreign policy decision-making

By Louise Collins in Sydney, Australia

19 December 2014

The blog is currently featuring posts written by post-graduate students from the USSC 6903 Foreign and National Security Policy class, taught by Dr. Sarah Graham. You can see more of their posts here

In October 2012 Robert Zoellick, former President of the World Bank, wrote an article calling for economics to be reinstated as an essential element in US foreign policy. Zoellick was touching on something very important. He was highlighting the relationship of economics to power, influence, and diplomacy. The emerging phenomenon of cyber currency is going to make this relationship even more apparent. This is because cyber currency threatens to shake up the global economy and alter the pattern of international relations.  

Commonly known as Bitcoins, cyber currency is not yet as popular as paper money but more and more people are using it. Take Indonesia for example. There, people can purchase bitcoins at over 10,000 outlets. At the end of June this year, three on-line global companies with at least $2bn in annual revenue started accepting bitcoins as payment: DISH, Expedia, and Newegg.  

There’s one main reason though why cyber currency underlines a need for economics to be on the US foreign policy agenda. It’s because cyber currency, assuming it continues to gain popularity, will rewrite existing notions of how international economies are managed. 

It will happen because of  three very distinct reasons: 

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  1. Governments can’t produce units of cyber currency. In a setting where cyber currency is increasingly popular this has particular resonance for the United States.

    All economies are based on paper currency. Currently, the US Dollar is the global "paper currency" standard. This brings lots of benefits.  It helps US firms avoid the costs and uncertainty of dealing in foreign currencies which, in turn, helps drive domestic consumption. What happens if cyber currency takes over paper currency? Will the US Dollar as the global currency standard still be relevant? What diplomatic relationships are required to ensure that US firms maintain their international competitiveness in a cyber currency economy?

  2. Cyber currency makes capital available to anyone with a connection to the internet. There’s no need to go to a bank. As we move to a world where there are over 7 billion digitally connected humans, the potential for cyber currency to replace accepted theory about the way capital works is overwhelming. Currently, the US provides over 30 per cent of all international capital. This gives the US government considerable leverage in international negotiations. How would this leverage be impacted if there was a major shift to cyber capital raising?
  3. In much the same way that no one owns the technology behind email, nobody owns cyber currency networks. No central authority — like the US Federal Reserve — is required. This potentially changes the way that power, influence and diplomacy must be managed. Especially given that central banks play a key role in setting interest rates and monitoring money laundering activities across international borders.

Considering all of the above, it’s disturbing that, as Robert Zoellick suggests, economics receives scant attention from US foreign policy decision makers.

The US State Department needs to understand this new technology and its potential impact on both the US and global economies. More importantly, it needs to develop a clearer understanding of how cyber currency might shape foreign policy debate over the coming decade. 

Never was there a better time to start taking the necessary steps.


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American Daily: December 18, 2014

By Jonathan Bradley in Sydney, Australia

18 December 2014

During a banal conversation about holiday plans at my grandmother’s last week, her caretaker said she was spending Christmas and New Year’s Eve in Cuba. “Take me with you!” the ninety-year-old said, five minutes after she’d denounced the Castro brothers for “nationalizing” her newly finished house in 1960. The cognitive dissonance aside — she has gradually lost some of her formidable concentration — the incident sums up the basic incoherence of Cuban-American policy, especially how the remittances and increased travel allowed by the Obama administration several years ago have leveled what remained of my genuine solidarity for my parents and grandparents. The caretaker, students I’ve taught over the years, and neighbors, all to a man and woman, voice their disgust with the Castro regime. Almost all of them have a story about a crime perpetuated by the regime against them, showing particular disgust for the quasi-apartheid preventing them from shopping and in some cases visiting tourist hotels. None of them want the Castros in power; at best I sense a kind of abused-wife kinship with the greybeards. But they don’t understand why they can’t have the freedom to spend and travel.

  • Does the timing of Obama's Cuba announcement have anything to do with Russia?

The Cuban revolution in 1959 opened a new chapter in the cold war between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. The Americans had soldiers and missiles in Western Europe -- Russia's doorstep -- since the end of World War II. A communist state 90 miles from Florida evened out the game a little bit. It's hard to overstate how important the emergence of the Republic of Cuba was to midcentury geopolitics. The Cuban-Soviet-U.S. triangle almost turned the cold war hot; the Cuban missile crisis of 1962 brought the powers perilously close to nuclear war.

So, the Castro regime's very existence is inextricably wedded to enmity between the U.S. and Russia. By making this announcement today, in concert with Castro, Obama took another smack at Putin's blackened eye.

  • US officials believe North Korea was behind the Sony hack.

“North Korea certainly is profiting from the perception that it was responsible for those attacks and threats. Today, another studio made the cowardly decision to kill a separate film that would have been set in North Korea. This week, petty despots everywhere learned how to censor what the rest of us are allowed to read and see, and not only in America,” Joshua Stanton, an attorney and author of the One Free Korea blog told NK News.

In the wake of the Darren Wilson non-indictment, I've only deleted one racist Facebook friend. This friend, as barely a friend as a high school classmate can be, re-posted a rant calling rioters niggers. (She was not a good white person.) Most of my white friends have responded to recent events with empathy or outrage. Some have joined protests. Others have posted Criming While White stories, a hashtag that has been criticized for detracting from Black voices. Look at me, the hashtag screams, I know that I am privileged. I am a good white person. Join me and remind others that you are a good white person too.

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American Daily: December 17, 2014

By Jonathan Bradley in Sydney, Australia

17 December 2014

This whole area of politics is decidedly murky, but incredibly important. The reason this phase is called the invisible primary is not only because no visible voting occurs, but also because it’s very hard for people outside the process to observe. Right now in the Republican Party, the names of at least a dozen senators, representatives, and governors are being bandied about among party elites: activists, donors, officeholders, media figures, and party officials. Pretty much none of the candidates have actually declared that they’re running for president, and quite a few of them never will, but they’re running nonetheless. They do so by meeting with those party insiders, holding fundraisers, giving speeches at party functions, making friends in key early contest states like Iowa and New Hampshire, and trying to generate good press for themselves. In short, they’re trying to impress party elites and win over adversaries.

  • How a Jeb Bush presidential run will be good for the GOP.

What this means is that by being one of the top-tier candidates in the race, Bush instantly changes the immigration debate in the primaries. It isn’t that any of the other candidates are going to move to the left, but the discussion will not just be about who wants to build the highest border fence. There will be at least one person talking about immigrants in human terms.

By all indications, progressive groups genuinely believe there is at least a chance of coaxing Warren into the race under certain circumstances. However, whether or not that ultimately happens, they have an interest in keeping up this push for another reason: Anything that boosts Warren’s visibility might also boost the potential power and influence that Warren may be able to exert within Congress — and over the Democratic Party in general — as their chosen vehicle for progressive policy ideas. That might boost the groups’ own influence over the debate.
The public and the news media still want someone who meets the mid-20th-century ideal for a modern president: a uniting figure who works across the aisle to build support for his agenda and commands public opinion from the bully pulpit. While this image was always mostly a myth — presidents typically struggle to move polls or legislators’ votes — the political realities of the time did allow presidents to build more diffuse coalitions in Congress and attract broad public support when the circumstances were favorable.
  • Should a college education be free?

It is widely agreed that the cost of college is much too high, but few people know how inexpensive it would be for the federal government to cover tuition at every two- and four-year public college in the country. Several estimates are now in circulation, and Robert Samuels’s 2013 book Why Public Higher Education Should Be Free presents the most detailed proposal. According to the most-recent calculations of Strike Debt, the debt-resistance group I work with, the cost would be relatively modest. The federal loan program is propped up by a motley assortment of subsidies and tax exemptions that amount to tens of billions of dollars. Strip these away, along with some other unjustifiable subsidies (GI Bill benefits and Pell Grants that are gobbled up by fraudulent for-profit colleges) and the cost to the government of public college would be as low as $15-billion in additional annual spending. That is little more than a line item in the defense budget, and a small price to pay for meeting the challenge of the 21st-century knowledge economy.

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Does the Bush name help Jeb?

By Jonathan Bradley in Sydney, Australia

17 December 2014

My take on the Jeb Bush run for the Republican 2016 nomination is that the former governor's family name is nothing but a hindrance to his hopes. Big brother George W. might be remembered slightly more kindly now than he was when he left office — when his Gallup approval rating was 34 per cent — but the Bush legacy is nonetheless one few Americans would like their country to carry on. As recently as February of this year, more Americans blamed President Bush for the country's poor economic performance than they did Barack Obama. The Americans have no appetite to repeat the Bush administration's foreign policy adventurism either. That might be unfair, but so too are any positive benefits a well-known political name might bestow upon any contender. 

Jonathan Bernstein, however, makes the best possible case for Jeb Bush benefiting from his family connections:

What we can say is that if he were Jeb Smith, a former two-term governor of Florida who has been out of politics since leaving office in 2007, and who has unorthodox positions in more than one policy area, he would be viewed as a longshot.

But something about the Bush family just makes a certain breed of Republicans go all weak at the knees, and has ever since Jeb’s grandfather, Prescott Bush, was a senator and a possible vice-president. That means Jeb will have easy access to the resources (money, endorsements, expertise, and more) that matter in presidential nomination politics. Republicans haven’t had to live with extreme uncertainty about their nominee for a long time; and some may be very tempted to just settle for the next Bush in line. And by all accounts, Jeb is simply a better politician than either his brother or his father (or, for that matter, his grandfather).

Not bad! And it's true that Republicans have a far more positive memory of the Bush years than the wider population. (Yes, to win the presidency, Jeb would need to triumph in the general election as well as the primary, but if he were to gain his party's nomination, he'd also gain millions of supporters willing to explain to the American public why he's nothing like his brother.) 

I still consider him a non-starter as a candidate, however. His support for Common Core might not be as disqualifying as the sort of people who think American politics is scripted by Aaron Sorkin suppose (where else would federal education policy be such a big deal for conservatives?) but his liberal stance on immigration is both out of step with a party that parted ways with Rick Perry in 2012 over much less and disadvantages him by comparison with another contender, Marco Rubio, who better suits the party's approach to resolving its problems with that issue. On such questions, Republicans tend to prefer representation — which Rubio's Latino heritage satisifes — to policy.

And while the GOP does retain a cadre of Bush family loyalists, the wider party is orienting itself towards the next generation of Republicans: more conservative, less patrician, and less overtly identified with the party establishment. The unlikely Ted Cruz aside, not one candidate in this race will provide all the red meat the base wants, but until Jeb Bush gives a sign that he's able to remake himself for the 2014 incarnation of his party, rather than the 1998 one that existed when he first claimed the Tallahassee governor's mansion, I'm going to consider him yesterday's news.

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American Daily: December 15, 2014

By Jonathan Bradley in Sydney, Australia

15 December 2014

Some photos show American troops posing with corpses; others depict U.S. forces holding guns to people’s heads or simulating forced sodomization. All of them could be released to the public, depending on how a federal judge in New York rules—and how hard the government fights to appeal. The government has a Friday deadline to submit to that judge its evidence for why it thinks each individual photograph should continue to be kept hidden away.

The key dynamic of the CRomnibus fight is in the two words "next Congress". The next Congress is a lot more Republican than this one. Whatever deal Democrats could get in this Congress, with Harry Reid in charge of the Senate, was going to be better than the deal they could get in the next Congress, with Mitch McConnell in charge of the Senate and more Republicans in the House.
The website once known primarily for amassing enormous amounts of traffic through listicles and cat videos, has been breaking huge stories and winning prestigious awards for its journalism, not to mention attracting millions of dollars in venture-capital funding.

But perhaps the surest sign yet that it has arrived as a serious force in media is how, all of a sudden, it seems to have many older media companies rattled.
  • Angela Davis talks police violence, Beyoncé, and race in America.

‘There is an unbroken line of police violence in the United States that takes us all the way back to the days of slavery, the aftermath of slavery, the development of the Ku Klux Klan,” says Angela Davis. “There is so much history of this racist violence that simply to bring one person to justice is not going to disturb the whole racist edifice.”

1989 mall

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American Daily: December 12, 2014

By Jonathan Bradley in Sydney, Australia

12 December 2014

  • The Justice Department should release documents from its own torture investigation.

The steps in question concern a legal battle that is underway between the Justice Department and the New York Times. The Times’ Charlie Savage reports today that Justice is urging a court to reject the paper’s demand, under the Freedom Of Information Act, for the release of thousands of pages of internal government documents that summarize and explain the administration’s decision not to prosecute.

This is one of those things that demonstrates the chasm between political activists and analysts on the one side, and working politicians on the other. If you take a look at the bill, it does indeed have a bunch of objectionable features. People like me, with nothing really at stake, can bitch and moan about them endlessly. But you know what? For all the interminable whining we do about the death of bipartisanship in Washington, this is what bipartisanship looks like. It always has. It's messy, it's ugly, and it's petty. Little favors get inserted into bills to win votes. Other favors get inserted as payback for the initial favors. Special interests get stroked. Party whips get a workout.

  • The New Republic has long shown little interest in African American lives.
For most of its modern history, TNR has been an entirely white publication, which published stories confirming white people's worst instincts. During the culture wars of the '80s and '90s, TNR regarded black people with an attitude ranging from removed disregard to blatant bigotry. When people discuss TNR's racism, Andrew Sullivan's publication of excerpts from Charles Murray's book The Bell Curve (and a series of dissents) gets the most attention. But this fuels the lie that one infamous issue stands apart. In fact, the Bell Curve episode is remarkable for how well it fits with the rest of TNR's history.
  • The flaws in Rolling Stone's coverage of sexual assault at the University of Virginia.
[Friends] also said Jackie’s description of what happened to her that night differs from what she told Rolling Stone. In addition, information Jackie gave the three friends about one of her attackers, called “Drew” in the magazine’s article, differ significantly from details she later told The Post, Rolling Stone and friends from sexual assault awareness groups on campus. The three said Jackie did not specifically identify a fraternity that night.
  • Cheerleading for the Buffalo Bills doesn't sound like a great experience.

For these and more humiliations, and for hundreds of hours of work and practices, Alyssa and her fellow cheerleaders on the Buffalo Jills received not a penny of wages, not from the subcontractor and certainly not from the Buffalo Bills, a team that each year makes revenue in excess of $200 million.

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